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Algeria’s Competition Law Comes to Digital Markets: What Platform Dominance Means for Tech Companies

February 26, 2026

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Digital Markets Enter Algeria’s Antitrust Framework

Algeria’s competition law framework, originally enacted through Ordinance No. 03-03 of July 19, 2003, and subsequently amended by Law No. 08-12 in June 2008 and Law No. 10-05 in August 2010, was designed for an economy dominated by hydrocarbons, manufacturing, and traditional retail. The law prohibits anti-competitive agreements, abuse of dominant position, and economic concentration that restricts competition. For two decades, enforcement focused on sectors like pharmaceuticals, food distribution, and automotive imports. Digital markets barely registered.

That is now changing. While Algeria has not yet adopted legislation specifically targeting digital markets, the existing competition law framework applies to all enterprises regardless of sector, and the government has reinforced the Competition Council’s institutional capacity to monitor anti-competitive practices including in telecommunications and retail. Separately, consumer protection law (Law No. 04-02) has been updated with stricter obligations for online sellers and enhanced mechanisms for consumer recourse. The Competition Council, which officially took office in January 2013 after years of dormancy and has been criticized for institutional weakness, now holds statutory authority to investigate, sanction, and impose structural remedies on any enterprise operating in Algeria, including digital platform operators. The challenge is whether the Council’s existing mandate and resources can keep pace with the distinct dynamics of platform markets: network effects, data accumulation, and multi-sided business models that create winner-take-most outcomes.

The broader context is a global wave of digital antitrust enforcement. The European Union’s Digital Markets Act (DMA), whose gatekeeper compliance obligations took effect in March 2024, designates dominant platforms and imposes specific behavioral requirements. The United States pursued a landmark case against Google, with a federal court ruling in August 2024 that the company maintained an illegal monopoly in general search services. In Africa, South Africa’s Competition Commission released its final report on online intermediation platforms in July 2023, finding that Apple’s App Store and Google Play charged unconstrained commission fees to developers. Algeria’s emerging application of competition law to digital platforms, while less resourced than these precedents, signals that even mid-sized digital economies are unwilling to leave platform markets unregulated.

Algeria’s Platform Landscape: Who Dominates What

Understanding Algeria’s digital competition dynamics requires mapping the platforms that actually operate in the market. Unlike larger economies where dozens of platforms compete across verticals, Algeria’s digital market is concentrated around a small number of dominant players, each controlling significant share in their respective segments. That concentration has recently intensified: Jumia, the pan-African e-commerce platform listed on the NYSE, ceased its Algeria operations in February 2026 as part of a profitability-driven restructuring, leaving the market even more concentrated.

Yassir, founded in 2017 by Noureddine Tayebi and Mahdi Yettou, is Algeria’s most prominent homegrown tech platform. Operating as a ride-hailing, delivery, and payment super-app, Yassir raised $150 million in a Series B round in November 2022, led by BOND (Mary Meeker’s venture firm), reaching a valuation of approximately $1 billion and becoming the most valued startup in North Africa. The company serves millions of users across Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, and francophone Africa. In Algeria’s ride-hailing segment, Yassir is the dominant player by a wide margin, with competitors like TemTem (which raised $5.7 million total) and Careem (which exited Algeria) failing to achieve comparable scale. Yassir’s expansion into grocery delivery (Yassir Express) and financial services (Yassir Pay) raises classic competition concerns about leveraging dominance from one market into adjacent ones.

Ouedkniss, launched in August 2006 by five high school friends, is Algeria’s dominant classifieds and marketplace platform. It functions as Algeria’s equivalent of Craigslist, eBay, and AutoTrader combined, consistently ranking among the most visited websites in the country. The platform handles everything from real estate and vehicle sales to electronics and job postings. Its dominance is such that “Ouedkniss” has become a verb in Algerian dialect, meaning to buy or sell something online. No domestic competitor comes close in traffic or listing volume.

Jumia’s recent exit from Algeria underscores the competitive dynamics at play. Algeria contributed approximately 2% of Jumia’s gross merchandise value in 2025, and the company chose to focus on markets with stronger growth trajectories, leaving Egypt and Morocco as its remaining North African operations. Jumia’s departure removes Algeria’s most significant formal e-commerce platform from the market, raising questions about whether local alternatives will fill the gap or whether Ouedkniss and international platforms like Temu and Shein will absorb the demand. Algeria’s e-commerce market, estimated at approximately $1.5 billion annually according to Statista projections, remains significant enough to attract competitive interest.

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What Dominance Means Under Algerian Law

Algerian competition law defines a dominant position as the ability of an enterprise to behave independently of its competitors, suppliers, and customers. The law does not set a specific market share threshold for dominance, unlike some jurisdictions that create presumptions at 40% or 50% share. Instead, the Competition Council assesses dominance through a multi-factor analysis that considers market share, barriers to entry, countervailing buyer power, and the competitive structure of the market.

Applying these factors to digital platforms reveals immediate analytical challenges. How do you define the “relevant market” for a super-app like Yassir that spans ride-hailing, delivery, and payments? Is Ouedkniss competing with Facebook Marketplace, Instagram sellers, and informal WhatsApp groups, or does it constitute its own market? The Competition Council’s capacity to conduct sophisticated market definition exercises, which require economic expertise and data access that European regulators spend millions of euros developing, is a genuine constraint.

Abuse of dominance under Algerian law covers familiar categories: imposing unfair purchase or selling conditions, limiting production or markets, applying dissimilar conditions to equivalent transactions, and tying arrangements. In the digital context, these could translate into investigations of Yassir’s driver commission structures, Ouedkniss’s listing fee policies and their impact on small sellers, or platform self-preferencing where a marketplace operator promotes its own products or services over those of third-party sellers.

The penalty framework provides teeth: fines of up to 12% of the infringing entity’s annual turnover in Algeria, excluding taxes. Fines can also be set at a minimum of twice the illegal profit from illicit practices, up to a maximum of four times that profit. For a company like Yassir, whose Algerian revenue is estimated in the tens of millions of dollars, a maximum fine would represent a material financial impact. The Competition Council can also impose structural remedies, though it has never done so in practice.

From Brussels to Algiers: The DMA Comparison and Local Realities

The European Union’s Digital Markets Act offers the most instructive comparison for Algeria’s approach, not because the two frameworks are equivalent, but because the DMA articulates the problems that any digital competition regime must address. The DMA identifies core platform services (search engines, social networks, messaging, operating systems, online advertising, cloud computing, video sharing, virtual assistants, web browsers) and designates platforms meeting quantitative thresholds as “gatekeepers” subject to specific obligations. Six companies — Alphabet, Amazon, Apple, ByteDance, Meta, and Microsoft — were designated as gatekeepers in September 2023.

Algeria’s framework does not adopt the DMA’s gatekeeper designation model. Instead, it relies on the traditional competition law approach of ex-post enforcement: investigating and sanctioning abuses after they occur, rather than imposing ex-ante behavioral obligations. This means the Competition Council must wait for complaints or initiate investigations on its own motion, gather evidence, conduct economic analysis, and issue decisions, a process that typically takes 18 to 36 months in functioning competition authorities. For a regulator still building institutional capacity, the timeline could be significantly longer.

The enforcement history provides context. The Competition Council has issued decisions in sectors like telecommunications, cement distribution, vehicle imports, and pharmaceutical pricing, but its track record is limited relative to its mandate. Since officially taking office in January 2013, the Council has produced a modest body of published decisions, many of which were opinions on proposed economic concentrations rather than abuse findings. Building digital market expertise from this baseline requires targeted recruitment of economists and technologists, international technical assistance (the UNCTAD competition and consumer protection programme and the International Competition Network, which now comprises over 140 member agencies from approximately 130 jurisdictions, are both active in capacity building), and sustained political commitment to independent enforcement.

The most probable near-term enforcement scenario involves high-visibility investigations that establish the Council’s digital jurisdiction without requiring the most sophisticated economic analysis. Examining whether a dominant platform imposes unfair terms on sellers or drivers is more straightforward than quantifying the competitive effects of algorithmic self-preferencing. Early cases will likely set procedural precedents, with substantive sophistication developing over successive investigations.

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🧭 Decision Radar

Dimension Assessment
Relevance for Algeria High — Algeria’s digital economy is concentrated around a few dominant platforms; competition law directly affects Yassir, Ouedkniss, and future entrants
Action Timeline 12-36 months for first digital market investigations; 3-5 years for established enforcement practice
Key Stakeholders Competition Council, Ministry of Commerce, Yassir, Ouedkniss, startup ecosystem, consumer associations, UNCTAD competition program
Decision Type Strategic
Priority Level Medium

Quick Take: Algeria’s extension of competition law to digital markets creates real legal risk for dominant platforms like Yassir and Ouedkniss. While enforcement capacity is still developing, companies should not mistake slow institutional build-up for permanent inaction. The first digital market investigation will redefine the risk calculus for every platform operating in Algeria.

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